Marat Berdyev, Ambassador-at-Large of the Russian Foreign Ministry
FOUNDATION OF GLOBAL STABILITY
A look beyond the horizon, an understanding of the historical perspective—that is what makes a true leader, one whom fate chooses to convey aspirations of nations. Such a visionary, almost prophetic insight, deeply penetrating the very essence of things, can pave the way to a better future for humanity, ensuring authentic global peace and prosperity. One such event we witnessed in 2015 when the Russian President Vladimir Putin set forth the grand and comprehensive initiative of the Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), in tune with the zeitgeist.
Russia is once again a catalyst for epoch-making transformations, aimed at shaping a sustainable framework of international relations based on a common denominator and mutual benefit. To a large extent, we laid the foundation for the current world order, radically altering the course ofcivilisation. Today’s global landscape is the result of the tremendous efforts exerted by a reincarnation of the millennia-old Russian state—the Soviet Union—which bore the brunt of the most crippling burdens in defeating Nazism, Fascism, and Japanese militarism, and subsequently sent crashing down the centuries-old system of ruthless slavery, colonialism, and exploitation imposed by Europeans and later by their Anglo-Saxon strongholds in the New World on almost everyone else on Earth.
Eighty years ago, during the legendary Yalta Conference held on the historically Russian lands—the citadel of our traditional spiritual values—the Soviet Union played an active role in a unanimous decision made by the three great allied powers, vanquishing the universal evil of racial superiority, leading to the establishment of the Yalta Consensus.
Today, there is unceasing debate about whether this was enough or not. Of course, when analysing such a multifaceted issue as the efficiency of the current inter-state paradigm, it is extremely difficult, nigh impossible, to come to a definitive conclusion with a clear plus or minus. On one hand, the unconditional collective failures of the modern architecture of global institutions are evident and clearly reflected in facts and figures. Let us look into just a few eloquent examples.
Recent estimates say that since the Red Army slew the Nazi Eagle in Berlin, the world enjoyed complete serenity without wars and armed conflicts for only a few dozen days, or only about a month by some accounts. Only 20% of the UN SDGs set for 2030, which serve as key benchmarks for the global socio-economic agenda, are progressing on schedule. Meanwhile, 35% of these SDGs are either in regress or stagnation, including poverty eradication, zero hunger, affordable and clean energy.
The WHO, which during the recent pandemic pandered to the EU’s dubious vaccine distribution schemes, has not managed to defeat any disease, but the pox throughout its entire history. In the face of the new health crisis, it has proven not only its helplessness but, at times, a blatant bias. Many other international organisations, accustomed to hanging on the Western donors and so-called arbiters of fate or even doing their bidding, are no better. This reliance is particularly evident today in the Bretton Woods institutions—the IMF and the World Bank.
Nevertheless, despite certain opportunistic interpretations, the enduring value of universal approaches and solutions within multilateral diplomacy, grounded in the UN Charter embodying timeless ethical and legal tenets, remains steadfast. The leading officials of the Russian Foreign Ministry have repeatedly articulated that it is not the UN that needs changing, but rather the Western exploitative attitude towards it. The West seeks to coerce other members into serving its interests, regardless of the costs and ramifications.
Looking back decades, one can confidently assert that a legendary UN Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjöld, was right in his fair assessment of the role of the United Nations’s play. While it may not have led us to paradise—overall quixotic—it has certainly managed to avert a descent into hell, which should be understood as the looming threat of another total war to the death, but today fraught with the risk of the nuclear holocaust.
This year, alongside the 80th anniversary of the Victory in World War II and the founding of the UN, another significant milestone is celebrated—the 65th anniversary of the UN Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. This text helped the world break the vicious cycle of “leader/wingman,” which condemned the countries of the Global South to the fate of mere pawns in Western “zero-sum games.”
Russia is once again a catalyst for epoch-making transformations, aimed at shaping a sustainable framework of international relations based on a common denominator and mutual benefit. To a large extent, we laid the foundation for the current world order, radically altering the course ofcivilisation. Today’s global landscape is the result of the tremendous efforts exerted by a reincarnation of the millennia-old Russian state—the Soviet Union—which bore the brunt of the most crippling burdens in defeating Nazism, Fascism, and Japanese militarism, and subsequently sent crashing down the centuries-old system of ruthless slavery, colonialism, and exploitation imposed by Europeans and later by their Anglo-Saxon strongholds in the New World on almost everyone else on Earth.
Eighty years ago, during the legendary Yalta Conference held on the historically Russian lands—the citadel of our traditional spiritual values—the Soviet Union played an active role in a unanimous decision made by the three great allied powers, vanquishing the universal evil of racial superiority, leading to the establishment of the Yalta Consensus.
Today, there is unceasing debate about whether this was enough or not. Of course, when analysing such a multifaceted issue as the efficiency of the current inter-state paradigm, it is extremely difficult, nigh impossible, to come to a definitive conclusion with a clear plus or minus. On one hand, the unconditional collective failures of the modern architecture of global institutions are evident and clearly reflected in facts and figures. Let us look into just a few eloquent examples.
Recent estimates say that since the Red Army slew the Nazi Eagle in Berlin, the world enjoyed complete serenity without wars and armed conflicts for only a few dozen days, or only about a month by some accounts. Only 20% of the UN SDGs set for 2030, which serve as key benchmarks for the global socio-economic agenda, are progressing on schedule. Meanwhile, 35% of these SDGs are either in regress or stagnation, including poverty eradication, zero hunger, affordable and clean energy.
The WHO, which during the recent pandemic pandered to the EU’s dubious vaccine distribution schemes, has not managed to defeat any disease, but the pox throughout its entire history. In the face of the new health crisis, it has proven not only its helplessness but, at times, a blatant bias. Many other international organisations, accustomed to hanging on the Western donors and so-called arbiters of fate or even doing their bidding, are no better. This reliance is particularly evident today in the Bretton Woods institutions—the IMF and the World Bank.
Nevertheless, despite certain opportunistic interpretations, the enduring value of universal approaches and solutions within multilateral diplomacy, grounded in the UN Charter embodying timeless ethical and legal tenets, remains steadfast. The leading officials of the Russian Foreign Ministry have repeatedly articulated that it is not the UN that needs changing, but rather the Western exploitative attitude towards it. The West seeks to coerce other members into serving its interests, regardless of the costs and ramifications.
Looking back decades, one can confidently assert that a legendary UN Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjöld, was right in his fair assessment of the role of the United Nations’s play. While it may not have led us to paradise—overall quixotic—it has certainly managed to avert a descent into hell, which should be understood as the looming threat of another total war to the death, but today fraught with the risk of the nuclear holocaust.
This year, alongside the 80th anniversary of the Victory in World War II and the founding of the UN, another significant milestone is celebrated—the 65th anniversary of the UN Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. This text helped the world break the vicious cycle of “leader/wingman,” which condemned the countries of the Global South to the fate of mere pawns in Western “zero-sum games.”
Decolonisation initiated by the UN in 1960 enabled the overwhelming majority of nations to transform into independent sovereign states and full-fledged members of the international community. Only 17 non-self-governing territories remain, mainly under external Anglo-Saxon control or the French heel, e.g. New Caledonia, which recently experienced widespread upheaval and has begun its journey towards statehood.
An important milestone towards a just global economic system was the 1974 UN Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. The trends of recent decades have provided a robust material and institutional foundation for these commitments and aspirations.
Statistics paint a compelling picture in this context. The BRICS nations have long since become the driver of global economy, far surpassing the now outdated G7, not only in numbers but also in qualitative metrics. The shares of BRICS and the G7 in global GDP—with China, India, and Russia topping the leading quartet of economies—are already at 39% to 29%, and the gap continues to broaden rapidly. Even the USA and Europe acknowledge that they have irrevocably lost the technological race to China in e-vehicles, renewables, and a wide range of digital competencies. The Russian economy is steadily maturing, shedding its dependence on raw materials and the burden of low-value-added industries. Russia has secured its position among the top three food suppliers, while serving as a guarantor of energy security, and expanding into markets for complex products—nuclear energy, ICT, finance, transport and logistics, among others.
Over 70% of Russia’s foreign trade are with the Asia-Pacific region, and 87% with the non-Western zone as a whole. Additionally, 90% of all settlements and payments are conducted in Russian rubles and other friendly currencies. The state of our national economy is undergoing a radical transformation, with domestic demand becoming the main driving force, stimulating import substitution, technological sovereignty, and the production of high value-added products. Russia’s 2024 BRICS Presidency has laid the groundwork for further enhancing commercial and business ties among the Global Majority nations by introducing independent business instruments into practical use, free from Western manipulation. These include grain exchanges, clearing, settlement, and reinsurance mechanisms.
The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) has transformed into a powerhouse of integration, celebrating its 11th anniversary in May. While fully realising the four freedoms of movement—of people, goods, services, and capital—it has successfully exceeded 2.5 trillion USD in combined GDP, outpacing global growth rates. Indeed, the centre. of gravity and dynamics of socio-economic development has decisively shifted to Greater Eurasia, where large-scale economies are undergoing significant structural changes—China, India, Russia, Indonesia, the Arab world, Türkiye, Iran, and others. The continent is now interwoven into a network of agreements, projects, and initiatives that set a consolidation vector and merge creative potentials. Notable formats and mechanisms, such as the SCO, EAEU, ASEAN, the Belt & Road initiative, the North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), the Northern Sea Route (NSR), BIMSTEC, LAS, along with numerous free trade and economic cooperation zones, stand as testament to this.
The landscape of the most active freight routes is evolving, with traditional shipping corridors like the Suez Canal no longer perceived as the one and only optimal option.
An important milestone towards a just global economic system was the 1974 UN Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. The trends of recent decades have provided a robust material and institutional foundation for these commitments and aspirations.
Statistics paint a compelling picture in this context. The BRICS nations have long since become the driver of global economy, far surpassing the now outdated G7, not only in numbers but also in qualitative metrics. The shares of BRICS and the G7 in global GDP—with China, India, and Russia topping the leading quartet of economies—are already at 39% to 29%, and the gap continues to broaden rapidly. Even the USA and Europe acknowledge that they have irrevocably lost the technological race to China in e-vehicles, renewables, and a wide range of digital competencies. The Russian economy is steadily maturing, shedding its dependence on raw materials and the burden of low-value-added industries. Russia has secured its position among the top three food suppliers, while serving as a guarantor of energy security, and expanding into markets for complex products—nuclear energy, ICT, finance, transport and logistics, among others.
Over 70% of Russia’s foreign trade are with the Asia-Pacific region, and 87% with the non-Western zone as a whole. Additionally, 90% of all settlements and payments are conducted in Russian rubles and other friendly currencies. The state of our national economy is undergoing a radical transformation, with domestic demand becoming the main driving force, stimulating import substitution, technological sovereignty, and the production of high value-added products. Russia’s 2024 BRICS Presidency has laid the groundwork for further enhancing commercial and business ties among the Global Majority nations by introducing independent business instruments into practical use, free from Western manipulation. These include grain exchanges, clearing, settlement, and reinsurance mechanisms.
The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) has transformed into a powerhouse of integration, celebrating its 11th anniversary in May. While fully realising the four freedoms of movement—of people, goods, services, and capital—it has successfully exceeded 2.5 trillion USD in combined GDP, outpacing global growth rates. Indeed, the centre. of gravity and dynamics of socio-economic development has decisively shifted to Greater Eurasia, where large-scale economies are undergoing significant structural changes—China, India, Russia, Indonesia, the Arab world, Türkiye, Iran, and others. The continent is now interwoven into a network of agreements, projects, and initiatives that set a consolidation vector and merge creative potentials. Notable formats and mechanisms, such as the SCO, EAEU, ASEAN, the Belt & Road initiative, the North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), the Northern Sea Route (NSR), BIMSTEC, LAS, along with numerous free trade and economic cooperation zones, stand as testament to this.
The landscape of the most active freight routes is evolving, with traditional shipping corridors like the Suez Canal no longer perceived as the one and only optimal option.
The NSR passing through Arctic latitudes along the Russian territory has reached record volumes of commercial shipments at 37.3 million tonnes, exceeding even the best years of the Soviet era, while the INSTC is steadily and significantly increasing the use of its capacities.
These positive shifts are particularly relevant now, as the world is grappling with geopolitical tensions and escalating confrontation incited by neoliberal elites in the West, reaching the verge of extreme “heat.” The Brussels eurocrats, former European powers, and their Russophobic satellites are trying to play the first fiddle, seeking revenge for their repeated failures in past “crusades” against Russia and independent powers. The West, hoping to force China and other BRICS nations to submit to its influence and abdicate their own economic ambitions and interests, doubles down on its idée fixe of exacerbating relations with them.
Unable to cope with fair and open competition, the West has resorted to outright abuses and violations of all norms governing international trade and finance, sanctions, abuse of reserve currencies, and the theft of sovereign assets, as well as private property, circumventing all legal procedures and legislation. Suffice it to say that the WTO, as a regulator of international trade, has, to put it plainly, been rendered almost obsolete, as its fundamental principles—the MFN clause (i.e., equal trade rules for all) and the resolution of disputes through a competitive process—have been fundamentally violated. The Bretton Woods institutions (IMF and World Bank), currently funding the West’s proxy war against Russia by Ukrainian forces, rather than helping countries in need, forgetting the promised billions and even the mythical trillions for climate, development, and socio-economic spheres, are doing no better.
The conditions outlined are shaping a new international landscape, where current realities are exacerbated by existential challenges, manifested in alarming trends such as the growing threat to peace and security, the resurgence of bloc mentality, and geo-economic fragmentation. To address these destructive processes, it is essential to eradicate their root causes: the unhealthy hegemony and monopoly that dominate the global economic system and its key mechanisms, institutions, and algorithms.
An objective analysis suggests that Eurasia—the spiritual, moral, cultural, and economic core of human civilization from the outset—could be the driving force behind this significant transformation. Should be noted, despite this urgent need and the pan-continental organisations like the African Union and CELAC in regions such as Africa and Latin America, we find ourselves lacking a similar structure. This hampers the largest, most extensive, and most populous landmass from harnessing its full potential in addressing its challenges, including sustainable development, economic growth, and the well-being of its population.
Nevertheless, a robust foundation has already been established in Eurasia for a universal integration framework with maximum alignment of economic complexes, trade and investment operations, and research resources. The growing ties between leading multilateral formats in Eurasia attest to the objective aspiration towards the harmonisation and complementarity of diverse business relations. These ties form a robust integration framework for regional economic processes at dynamic growth focal points such as Northern Eurasia, represented by the EAEU and other geographical locations united within ASEAN, BIMSTEC, BSEC, LAS, and other similar platforms with a strong positive impetus.
The influence of flagship structures of the Global South/East—such as the SCO and BRICS—on the practical aspects of trade, economic, and investment cooperation is becoming increasingly significant. These entities are enabling the inclusion of the neighbouring regions—Africa, Oceania, and others—which are deeply engaged in developing supply chains and routes across the continent.
As recently said in a succinct formula by Alexander Pankin, Deputy Head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the GEP is a swing towards “integration of integrations.” In other words, it is a desire to liberate business from all unnecessary constraints and to establish economic consolidation that can rely on the full spectrum of resource bases, production capabilities, and technological potential of the Eurasian countries and peoples.
A common barrier-free economic space encompassing the entire
These positive shifts are particularly relevant now, as the world is grappling with geopolitical tensions and escalating confrontation incited by neoliberal elites in the West, reaching the verge of extreme “heat.” The Brussels eurocrats, former European powers, and their Russophobic satellites are trying to play the first fiddle, seeking revenge for their repeated failures in past “crusades” against Russia and independent powers. The West, hoping to force China and other BRICS nations to submit to its influence and abdicate their own economic ambitions and interests, doubles down on its idée fixe of exacerbating relations with them.
Unable to cope with fair and open competition, the West has resorted to outright abuses and violations of all norms governing international trade and finance, sanctions, abuse of reserve currencies, and the theft of sovereign assets, as well as private property, circumventing all legal procedures and legislation. Suffice it to say that the WTO, as a regulator of international trade, has, to put it plainly, been rendered almost obsolete, as its fundamental principles—the MFN clause (i.e., equal trade rules for all) and the resolution of disputes through a competitive process—have been fundamentally violated. The Bretton Woods institutions (IMF and World Bank), currently funding the West’s proxy war against Russia by Ukrainian forces, rather than helping countries in need, forgetting the promised billions and even the mythical trillions for climate, development, and socio-economic spheres, are doing no better.
The conditions outlined are shaping a new international landscape, where current realities are exacerbated by existential challenges, manifested in alarming trends such as the growing threat to peace and security, the resurgence of bloc mentality, and geo-economic fragmentation. To address these destructive processes, it is essential to eradicate their root causes: the unhealthy hegemony and monopoly that dominate the global economic system and its key mechanisms, institutions, and algorithms.
An objective analysis suggests that Eurasia—the spiritual, moral, cultural, and economic core of human civilization from the outset—could be the driving force behind this significant transformation. Should be noted, despite this urgent need and the pan-continental organisations like the African Union and CELAC in regions such as Africa and Latin America, we find ourselves lacking a similar structure. This hampers the largest, most extensive, and most populous landmass from harnessing its full potential in addressing its challenges, including sustainable development, economic growth, and the well-being of its population.
Nevertheless, a robust foundation has already been established in Eurasia for a universal integration framework with maximum alignment of economic complexes, trade and investment operations, and research resources. The growing ties between leading multilateral formats in Eurasia attest to the objective aspiration towards the harmonisation and complementarity of diverse business relations. These ties form a robust integration framework for regional economic processes at dynamic growth focal points such as Northern Eurasia, represented by the EAEU and other geographical locations united within ASEAN, BIMSTEC, BSEC, LAS, and other similar platforms with a strong positive impetus.
The influence of flagship structures of the Global South/East—such as the SCO and BRICS—on the practical aspects of trade, economic, and investment cooperation is becoming increasingly significant. These entities are enabling the inclusion of the neighbouring regions—Africa, Oceania, and others—which are deeply engaged in developing supply chains and routes across the continent.
As recently said in a succinct formula by Alexander Pankin, Deputy Head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the GEP is a swing towards “integration of integrations.” In other words, it is a desire to liberate business from all unnecessary constraints and to establish economic consolidation that can rely on the full spectrum of resource bases, production capabilities, and technological potential of the Eurasian countries and peoples.
A common barrier-free economic space encompassing the entire
The Russian economy steadily matures, shedding its dependence on raw materials, while securing its position among the top three food suppliers, serving as a guarantor of energy security and expanding into markets for complex products.
Eurasian continent, including its European part, is a sought-after and optimal integration structure. There is no intention to close the doors to the EU countries wishing to join it, but it will undoubtedly require them to abandon their confrontational stance towards Russia, bloc mentality, and patronising tone.
The GEP is a new term in global politics and economy, embodying the fundamental principles of numerous international meetings and declarations aimed at building a democratic world order, an open economy, and amplifying the voice of the Global South and East, with Eurasia emerging as a self-sufficient center of power and influence.
Of course, the GEP cannot achieve drastic changes overnight. It is an arduous journey “a thousand miles long,” with phased and multi-speed voluntary progress towards the set goal. Unlike the opportunistic recipes imposed by the West following artificial templates and exclusive criteria, it is a “living matter” that responds to genuine needs and respects the diverse national identity. The advantages of the GEP make it an appealing tool that promises, over the long term, not just sprinter-like bursts but marathon-like endurance, ensuring a qualitative yet gradual breakthrough in integration. Since 2015, the GEP has successfully garnered significant support from a wide range of stakeholders, entered operational realms, and identified concrete implementation strategies, including applied projects and their implementation.
As Deputy Prime Minister of Russia, Alexey Overchuk, has already vividly outlined, this mechanism is nothing less than an “economic-civilisational” project aimed at prudently integrating all suitable formats existing in Eurasia. Such efforts are being consistently carried out by Russia and have already achieved significant milestones and solid results.
The GEP is a new term in global politics and economy, embodying the fundamental principles of numerous international meetings and declarations aimed at building a democratic world order, an open economy, and amplifying the voice of the Global South and East, with Eurasia emerging as a self-sufficient center of power and influence.
Of course, the GEP cannot achieve drastic changes overnight. It is an arduous journey “a thousand miles long,” with phased and multi-speed voluntary progress towards the set goal. Unlike the opportunistic recipes imposed by the West following artificial templates and exclusive criteria, it is a “living matter” that responds to genuine needs and respects the diverse national identity. The advantages of the GEP make it an appealing tool that promises, over the long term, not just sprinter-like bursts but marathon-like endurance, ensuring a qualitative yet gradual breakthrough in integration. Since 2015, the GEP has successfully garnered significant support from a wide range of stakeholders, entered operational realms, and identified concrete implementation strategies, including applied projects and their implementation.
As Deputy Prime Minister of Russia, Alexey Overchuk, has already vividly outlined, this mechanism is nothing less than an “economic-civilisational” project aimed at prudently integrating all suitable formats existing in Eurasia. Such efforts are being consistently carried out by Russia and have already achieved significant milestones and solid results.
The GEP, above all, implies the integration of three fundamental components—the regulatory framework, free trade zones, and transport-logistics infrastructure. Key industries that can serve as the solid bedrock of the GEP have been identified, including:
1) Network of international trade and investment agreements,
2) Transport infrastructure,
3) Network of economic corridors and development zones,
4) Digital space,
5) Energy,
6) Finance,
7) Integration of research and technological development.
The GEP is becoming intricately woven into the agenda and programme activities of Eurasian structures and processes.
In particular, strategic documents, such as the Declaration on Further Development of Economic Processes until 2030 and for the period until 2045 “Eurasian Economic Path,” reaffirm the commitment to forming the GEP.
Significant key entities involved in the GEP include the Union State of Russia and Belarus, the CIS, as well as the Russia-ASEAN dialogue, and the SCO. Efforts are being synchronised within the EAEU and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
The EAEU has free trade agreements with Vietnam, Serbia, and Iran,and is currently holding talks with a wide range of other promising partners. In particular, negotiations have reached the final stage with the UAE and Mongolia. The total market size of the EAEU exceeds 180 million people, while the free trade agreements provide access for EAEU producers to markets with an additional population of 200 million, and potentially expanding to around 500 million people soon. The EAEU and China are also actively engaged in the work on a non-preferential trade and economic cooperation agreement, which aims to liberalise trade and digitise customs and transport procedures.
Russia is becoming ground zero for more effective interconnectivity, harnessing the advantages of maritime, rail, and road routes. The NSR is gaining momentum, with plans for its extension from Vladivostok to India. Railway routes running through Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Iran, and Mongolia can become a true bridge for freight traffic between Europe and Asia, particularly China.
The world is watching a new reality emerge, as the INSTC expands its capacities to facilitate the movement goods between the Russian Northwest and the Indian Ocean, providing access to the coasts of India, Pakistan, Southeast Asia, and Africa.
As for the regulatory environment, it can become more harmonised by adopting proven practices of the EAEU and advanced Russian expertise. Among the most progressive and recent regulatory acts that could be extrapolated externally is the EAEU Agreement on a Unified Customs Transit System, which encourages through traffic via third countries and is open for external stakeholders to join. Over 85% of goods within the EAEU already adhere to unified technical regulations, a powerful lever for eliminating discrepancies, including the use of the EAEU agreement on the procedure and conditions for removing technical barriers with foreign counterparts. In this vein, the EAEU has initiated work to involve CIS states in the EAEU regulation.
1) Network of international trade and investment agreements,
2) Transport infrastructure,
3) Network of economic corridors and development zones,
4) Digital space,
5) Energy,
6) Finance,
7) Integration of research and technological development.
The GEP is becoming intricately woven into the agenda and programme activities of Eurasian structures and processes.
In particular, strategic documents, such as the Declaration on Further Development of Economic Processes until 2030 and for the period until 2045 “Eurasian Economic Path,” reaffirm the commitment to forming the GEP.
Significant key entities involved in the GEP include the Union State of Russia and Belarus, the CIS, as well as the Russia-ASEAN dialogue, and the SCO. Efforts are being synchronised within the EAEU and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
The EAEU has free trade agreements with Vietnam, Serbia, and Iran,and is currently holding talks with a wide range of other promising partners. In particular, negotiations have reached the final stage with the UAE and Mongolia. The total market size of the EAEU exceeds 180 million people, while the free trade agreements provide access for EAEU producers to markets with an additional population of 200 million, and potentially expanding to around 500 million people soon. The EAEU and China are also actively engaged in the work on a non-preferential trade and economic cooperation agreement, which aims to liberalise trade and digitise customs and transport procedures.
Russia is becoming ground zero for more effective interconnectivity, harnessing the advantages of maritime, rail, and road routes. The NSR is gaining momentum, with plans for its extension from Vladivostok to India. Railway routes running through Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Iran, and Mongolia can become a true bridge for freight traffic between Europe and Asia, particularly China.
The world is watching a new reality emerge, as the INSTC expands its capacities to facilitate the movement goods between the Russian Northwest and the Indian Ocean, providing access to the coasts of India, Pakistan, Southeast Asia, and Africa.
As for the regulatory environment, it can become more harmonised by adopting proven practices of the EAEU and advanced Russian expertise. Among the most progressive and recent regulatory acts that could be extrapolated externally is the EAEU Agreement on a Unified Customs Transit System, which encourages through traffic via third countries and is open for external stakeholders to join. Over 85% of goods within the EAEU already adhere to unified technical regulations, a powerful lever for eliminating discrepancies, including the use of the EAEU agreement on the procedure and conditions for removing technical barriers with foreign counterparts. In this vein, the EAEU has initiated work to involve CIS states in the EAEU regulation.
In practical terms, the EAEU uses a mechanism to support industrial cooperation projects, involving at least three countries with a volume of 8.8 billion rubles, as well as a tool to build special economic zones and a sovereign digital environment leveraging competitive Russian technologies. Information systems are being put into operation to facilitate the tracking of goods, while tax, veterinary, and phytosanitary controls are being implemented, and border crossing points are undergoing modernisation.
Energy security is being progressively strengthened through the common electricity markets, set to launch in 2027, alongside for gas (basic parameters already established) and oil markets. Russia is also sharing nuclear energy technologies. A transition to national currencies is already underway, with financial institutions of the EAEU—the Eurasian Development Bank and the Eurasian Stabilisation and Development Fund—providing necessary support to member states through sovereign loans and investment funds.
Russia will actively strive to ensure that the pace and scope of the transformations continue to move upwards. Through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, particularly within the contacts of the Ministry’s leadership, its Department of Economic Cooperation, and other responsible state bodies, we are working through regular consultations and coordination to actually further enhance the potential of the GEP in collaboration with a wide range of foreign like-minded partners and investors.
At the upcoming session of the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok this September, Russia intends to engage in substantive discussions with the international community to advance in this direction, particularly in light of the revised vision of the GEP supplemented with new ideas and projects.
The ultimate goal is to overcome centrifugal trends in the global economy, transform Eurasia into its central axis, and turn the continent into a common expansive market that could already provide for at least 2.2 billion people in its early stages, with the potential to reach a maximum of approximately 5.7 billion people under favourable scenarios.
Energy security is being progressively strengthened through the common electricity markets, set to launch in 2027, alongside for gas (basic parameters already established) and oil markets. Russia is also sharing nuclear energy technologies. A transition to national currencies is already underway, with financial institutions of the EAEU—the Eurasian Development Bank and the Eurasian Stabilisation and Development Fund—providing necessary support to member states through sovereign loans and investment funds.
Russia will actively strive to ensure that the pace and scope of the transformations continue to move upwards. Through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, particularly within the contacts of the Ministry’s leadership, its Department of Economic Cooperation, and other responsible state bodies, we are working through regular consultations and coordination to actually further enhance the potential of the GEP in collaboration with a wide range of foreign like-minded partners and investors.
At the upcoming session of the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok this September, Russia intends to engage in substantive discussions with the international community to advance in this direction, particularly in light of the revised vision of the GEP supplemented with new ideas and projects.
The ultimate goal is to overcome centrifugal trends in the global economy, transform Eurasia into its central axis, and turn the continent into a common expansive market that could already provide for at least 2.2 billion people in its early stages, with the potential to reach a maximum of approximately 5.7 billion people under favourable scenarios.
Photo from the Russian MFA’s archives